Western mercenary scribblers have not yet stopped discrediting the anti-Taliban resistance fighters.
Author: Rustam Roshangar, analyst, especially for "Sangar"
In response to the bold statements of one of the Taliban missionaries in Belgium about Hasib Quvoi Markaz, one of the brave and fearless commanders of the National Resistance Front, I posted a note on Facebook. The summary of our words in this note was that "Commander Hasib is undoubtedly one of the pride in the fight of our people against terrorism and fascism", and now we "have passed the stage where you considered our heroes to be warlords, and we applauded you."
The description of that note is a long story that cannot fit into one article, but we will try to highlight a few important points.
Thirty years ago (1995-2000), the martyr Ahmad Shah Massoud formed the National Resistance Front against the Taliban and fought the group, which he called "hired and savage," for about five years. This war spawned a new generation of fighters, many of whom were similar in social behavior to Hasib Quvoi Markaz.
Those who are familiar with the knowledge of sociology and psychology know that the behavior, character, and personality of a person are subject to certain conditions of time and place. Every situation brings its people. The conditions of war give birth to people with special behavior and character. Behavior that is considered normal in war is considered abnormal in non-military settings.
Naturally, the behavior of warriors is hooligan, rebellious, defiant, and arrogant. The conditions of war instill these qualities in people. But these trappings are not at all ugly or anti-human, as many "war-hating" people imagine and advertise. Behind the seemingly cruel behavior of many warriors are good hearts. They are honest and selfless people that not everyone can see. Of course, this statement is true of warriors who fight with noble motives, and their war is aimed at repelling evil, aggression, oppression, and tyranny. Warriors who rise to protect people from a group of aggressors. According to the author, the hidden motives of the rebellious behavior of such fighters relate to the most basic issues of human life, namely: order, law, and justice. Those who rebel against the existing unjust order and fight for a new just order are undoubtedly not small people and cannot be judged so easily by primitive people. Regardless of how much the existing order is contrary to human values, many people want to seize moments of peace under the dominance of such an order, hence they rebel against the fighters for justice.
Those who are present in the bloody battles of the war do not believe in all existing laws, structures, orders, and rules. They come to the conclusion that if the existing laws and orders were just, then there would be no war and they would not have to spend their lives in fear of death and earthly horrors. The warrior feels himself on the left side of history, and looking at man, history, and the future from this position is accompanied by a sense that the order of the future is determined by the shaft of the warrior's gun and his bravery on the battlefield. And it is true that it is. Many wars start with an unjust order and are designed to create a new order. The war of resistance fighters is undoubtedly such a war!
The behavior of such warriors is indigestible from the point of view of urban and civilian people, and therefore it is natural that they and those who have never seen war see people with such characteristics differently and call them such nicknames as a savage, warlord, and even bandit and criminal.
But why do warriors continue their hooliganism in a normal situation? Or, in other words, why are some people interested in acting like warriors and recreating the specific conditions of war in their minds and then in their behavior?
It should be said about Commander Hasib that he belongs to the second group. He himself did not have an armed presence in the First Resistance but recreated in his behavior the fighters of the First Resistance. The birth of Commander Hasib (1992) coincides with the formation of the First Resistance to the Taliban. In those years, Hasib was still a child. But, undoubtedly, the special military conditions of that time had an impact on him. He was born in the main center of resistance, Panjshir province, and grew up in this environment. However, Hasib is a trained military officer who, after graduation, worked in the Department of National Security and was seen in this department with a special brilliance that he showed in special operations.
If we pay attention to the reason for the departure of Commander Hasib from the DNS, then the following story of his life becomes more understandable for us. He says he left the Department of National Security because he was asked to kill six prominent figures in the country, but he didn't and chose to leave his job.
It should also be mentioned here that the Afghan Department of National Security under the governments of Karzai and Ghani gradually became the center of a conspiracy against national resistance figures, and many believe that a series of assassinations of influential senior resistance commanders was planned and carried out by it. Maybe, or at least the department knew about the grand plots against the resistance, but remained silent, which means complicity in the conspiracy.
After leaving the Department of National Security, Commander Hasib formed his own special armed group and began a series of actions in which the DNS and the police identified his behavior and actions as a violation of public order and security and tried to arrest him. The DNS and the police carried out several unsuccessful operations to capture Commander Hasib, which as a result became the cause of his fame among the people.
When Commander Hasib becomes unsafe in Kabul, he goes to Panjshir with his special armed group. General Khushal Saadat, Deputy Interior Minister, who was one of the pawns used by Ashraf Ghani and Hamdullah Mohib, National Security Adviser, and who they said harassed and arrested resistance commanders, went to Panjshir on a special and massive operation. He announced that he would take Commander Hasib and tie him up in the back of a Ranger (police car) and bring him to Kabul. But this operation was not successful and this led to the popularity of commander Hasib. Because the motives of the operation were ethnic and had nothing to do with security breaches. This operation took place at a time when the Taliban were expanding their activities, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs was accused of unwillingness to suppress the Taliban.
If you look at this history through the lens of ethnic issues, you will come to the conclusion that the ethno-nationalist and Pashtun government of Ashraf Ghani looked at Hasib Quvoi Markaz as a young generation of resistance fighters that must be destroyed at all costs. The Ghani government believed that the former commanders of the resistance had either been killed by the government, reached old age and out of the military cycle, or drowned in money and livelihood and forgotten the values of the resistance. Therefore, a new generation of commanders with resistance tendencies cannot be allowed to appear, which in the future may become a headache for the implementation of state ethnic programs and the surrender of power to the Taliban. And so it happened. Today, Commander Hasib has become a thorn in the side of the Taliban and supporters of this group. In reality, the Ghani government's pursuit of Commander Hasib was intended to pave the way for the return of the Taliban. Following the efforts of the Ghani government, the Taliban are also trying to eliminate Commander Hasib.
To the best of this author's knowledge, Ashraf Ghani's government's National Security Department and police have launched a massive campaign against Hasib Quvoi Markaz. In fact, this was one of the usual methods of the Ghani government and its external supporters in killing resistance commanders. At that time, many resistance commanders were faced with all sorts of unsubstantiated accusations, and the media, willingly or unwittingly, served secret purposes and conspiracies. The goal was that if the government could not eliminate the resistance commander, the media and "grant-eating experts" should present him in the public mind as a harmful, dangerous, corrupt, and demonic element so that if he could be killed, people would say that the government destroyed the security anti-element. Commander Hasib was said to have kidnapped certain people and extorted money from such and such... none of these allegations have been proven, but in the public mind Commander Hasib was presented as a rebellious, dangerous, and anti-state element. Even today, the Taliban and their supporters make the same accusations against Commander Hasib.
But why did Commander Hasib recreate the image of the first generation of resistance fighters? Or is it better to ask our question this way: Why did Commander Hasib return to his original position? Where did the hundreds, if not thousands, of other hasibs go who used their swords against the evil Taliban in the First Resistance and vanished from memory the day after the victory of the resistance? Where did the well-trained Tajik resistance army of Masud the Great go? Who played a role in the dissolution of this army and why?
I think the last questions are very important and the answers to them point to the many mistakes, omissions, ignorance, and forgetfulness of leaders and senior leaders of the resistance that have been made since 2001. After 2001, the military machine of resistance disintegrated. This was a strategic mistake made by the leaders of the resistance at the time. The destruction of the war machine of resistance was the desire and the basic plan of Hamid Karzai and the Pashtunists around him, which was carried out in cooperation with the United States and Pakistan. The destruction of the military machine of resistance was carried out in two stages as follows.
First phase:
1 - The leaders and senior commanders of the resistance (Marshal Fahim, Qanuni, Bismillakhan, etc.) were appointed to high positions in the government, they were given abundant money and benefits, so that they became intoxicated with power and wealth, and distanced themselves from war and ideals.
The top leaders of the resistance, holding high positions in the government and possessing unaccountable money, were seduced and felt that they had reached the goal, and the endpoint, and became aimless. They thought that what they got was the result of their war and resistance and that after that they had nothing more to do.
Once Marshal Fahim was asked if he implemented the goals and ideals of Ahmad Shah Massoud, he answered yes. He said that Amir Sahib's desire was for the people to choose their own leader, and we achieved that goal by holding elections and helping to establish a new system. He added that all of Amir Sahib's dreams and plans have come true. This means that the leaders of the post-2001 resistance thought that they had fulfilled their responsibility and reached the end of the road, and there was nothing more to do. This means that the leaders of the resistance did not have a clear vision and plan for the future.
2 - Reserve weapons and ammunition of the resistance were seized. The leaders of the resistance, who held high positions in the government, handed over weapons and ammunition to those whose hearts were with the Taliban, and tongues with the resistance.
The resistance fighters were to be dispersed and the resistance organization disbanded. This work was done by the leaders of the resistance themselves.
3 - Thousands of combat units of resistance, but in fact thousands of Hasibs were disarmed in a humiliating way and brought to a beggarly, so-called normal life. All their art and perfection were related to the war, and they did not have the skills to work in a civilian environment. In fact, they were brutally left alone and defenseless, and they themselves were forced to resume a new life with a hundred hardships. Some of them were taken into the army and the police, where they were not given any respect and position, and they were looked upon as unruly elements as if they were not trained and were wild and undisciplined. Most of them left the new structures and returned to civilian life but with a hundred complexes and grievances against those who left them to the will of fate.
Second phase:
1 - Senior leaders of the resistance were removed from high government positions.
2 - Senior commanders of the resistance were killed in a complex plot.
3 - Widespread negative propaganda began against the leaders and commanders of the resistance.
Thus, the resistance war machine disintegrated over time, and at the same time the Taliban war machine was reactivated and "oiled". Karzai and Ghani, both ethnic Pashtuns, supported the Taliban. When the Pakistanis saw that the Afghan government had a plan to strengthen the Taliban, they began to revive the Taliban. Finally, the Americans also joined this group, and the plan to return the Taliban to power turned into a not-so-hidden national, regional, and global plan and reached its conclusion on August 15, 2022.
But these events were not hidden from the eyes of many middle and lower-rank resistance fighters. There were those who knew the mistakes of the leaders of the resistance and suffered from the helplessness and defenselessness of a generation of honest and dedicated resistance fighters who sacrificed themselves to protect their homeland from terrorism but were forgotten. Hasib Quvoi Markaz is one of them. As a young man who grew up with a resistance mindset and witnessed the neglect and ignorance of the leaders of the resistance, he cherished the thought of resistance and seemed to be waiting for an opportunity to raise the flag of resistance again. At the National Security Administration, he noticed major conspiracies against the resistance movement, and from there he decided to leave the center of the conspiracy and raise the banner of the resistance.
Therefore, the support of the Tajik intelligentsia and supporters of the resistance of Commander Hasib in this military situation is an important and obligatory matter. At the same time, one should not forget that Tajik writers and intellectuals of the resistance during the Republican period were reluctant to put themselves at the service of the propaganda war of the enemies of the resistance and how the enemies called the commanders of the resistance "warlords", i.e. "war criminals" and... Now they have a chance to correct their mistake and seriously support commanders like Commander Hasib in the name of national values.
Today, the Tajiks of Afghanistan are again in the historical position of 30 years ago. With the tacit support of foreign intelligence, the Taliban terrorists and their terrorist partners have again invaded the geography of resistance and the lands of the Tajiks, and with all sorts of cruelty and ruthlessness are trying to take revenge on those who resist and crush the Tajik spirit of resistance against Pashtun rule.
The program to transfer Pakistani Pashtuns to northern Afghanistan called the transfer of Pakistani Taliban to the north, is, in fact, the beginning of the second phase of the transfer of naqilin-transporters to the north, which was planned since the time of Amanullakhan and is now being implemented differently. In such a situation, we need courageous and fearless commanders, such as Commander Hasib, to confront the merciless, aggressor and usurper enemy and defend the dignity and honor of our people.
