And How They First Obtained Seats in the Government of Afghanistan
Author: Rahmatulloh Oryonpur, information and analytical portal Rivayat
In the modern history of Afghanistan, the formation of the political identity of ethnic groups has been less the result of natural processes of nation-state building and more the outcome of deliberate decisions and policies pursued by rulers, political leaders, and the interventions of external states with vested interests in the country’s affairs. In this context, the Hazara community is regarded as one of the ethnic groups that, for the first time in the second half of the twentieth century, officially entered the structure of political power in Afghanistan. This process was made possible primarily by the policies of the government of Babrak Karmal and later by the administration of Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani.
For the first time in Afghanistan’s history, Babrak Karmal—a president of Tajik origin—removed the Hazaras from political marginalization and recognized them as “political citizens.” The appointment of Sultan Ali Keshmand as Prime Minister of Afghanistan marked a turning point in the political history of the Hazaras. In addition, hundreds of Hazara representatives were appointed to mid-level and intermediate positions within the state apparatus. Such developments had no precedent in Afghanistan’s political structure at that time.
After Babrak Karmal, Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani—another Afghan president of Tajik origin—became the second leader to play a decisive role in strengthening the political position of the Hazaras and the Shiite community. During his presidency, nine ministries were allocated to Hazaras and Shiites: five to the Islamic Unity Party led by Abdul Ali Mazari and four to the Islamic Movement Party headed by Sheikh Asif Mohseni.
According to General Mohammad Ali Moqaddasi, one of the former commanders of the Islamic Unity Party:
“Along with five ministries, Professor Rabbani’s government also envisaged other key positions for the Islamic Unity Party, including the vice presidency, deputy ministers of defense and interior, the deputy head of the National Security Directorate, the presidency of Kabul University, and the governorship of the Central Bank.”
Such a level of political participation by the Hazaras was unprecedented in Afghanistan’s history.
In addition to these two presidents, three prominent figures from within the Hazara community itself played a key role in elevating the political and social status of this people. One of them was Sultan Ali Keshmand. As a Hazara politician, he did not conceal his ethnic approach to politics and acted openly in defense of Hazara interests. Mohammad Mohaqiq, in his recently published memoirs, also refers to Keshmand and praises his efforts to strengthen the political and military position of the Hazaras, even though at the time they stood on opposing sides of the conflict and fought against one another. In reality, Keshmand was the first to define a political and social identity for this community and to present the Hazaras as a legitimate force in the equations of power.
The two other Hazara leaders are Mohammad Mohaqiq and Karim Khalili. If Keshmand laid the foundations of Hazara political identity within the state structure, Mohaqiq and Khalili managed to preserve and consolidate this identity over four turbulent decades of war and political struggle.
After Abdul Ali Mazari was handed over to the Taliban and subsequently killed by them, Mohammad Mohaqiq and Karim Khalili remained on the battlefield and continued their political and military struggle within the framework of Professor Rabbani’s government and under the command of the then Minister of Defense, Ahmad Shah Massoud. This steadfastness played a decisive role in maintaining the political presence of the Hazaras within the structures of resistance and the state.
During the twenty years of the republican period, the political and social activities of Mohaqiq and Khalili were broader in scope and more effective than those of any previous Hazara leader. During this period, Hazaras gained access to high-ranking government positions, tens of thousands of their young people pursued higher education inside and outside the country, and a new generation of educated and intellectually active individuals emerged from among them.
However, the paradox of contemporary history lies in the fact that some members of this educated generation, instead of offering an objective analysis of the past and acknowledging the role of historical Tajik and Hazara leaders, have resorted to emotional, unfounded, and at times divisive criticism. Such criticism more often reflects today’s political grievances and bears little relation to an accurate understanding of the complex conditions of the past.
Criticism of political leaders is legitimate and necessary; however, it is only valuable when it is based on historical facts, balanced judgment, and an understanding of the context of the time. Ignoring the role of Babrak Karmal, Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, Sultan Ali Keshmand, Mohammad Mohaqiq, and Karim Khalili in the formation of Hazara political identity constitutes a distortion of history.
