How Can Supporters of Pashtunism Be Identified?
By Dr. Farid Younas, Professor Emeritus of Middle Eastern Anthropology and Islamic and Philosophical Studies, Chairman of the Afghanistan Center for Thought, Member of the Advisory Council of "Sangar".
After Nadir Khan came to power, the first manifestation of ethnic discrimination was the exemption of young men from the Jaji and Mangal tribes from compulsory military service. The second step was the ignorant policy of Mohammad Gul Momand, Nadir Khan's Minister of Interior, who sought to Pashtunize Afghanistan.
In the northern regions, he changed the names of villages and settlements. Books written in Uzbek and other Turkic languages were burned. In the capital, Persian terms were replaced with Pashto ones; for example, the word daneshgah ("university") was replaced with pohantoon, while zayeshgah ("maternity hospital") became zizhantoon.
Instruction in schools was conducted in Pashto, reducing the standard of education to almost nothing. Only after a wise Minister of Education, Najibullah Tarvayana, reported the matter to the King did the situation change.
Throughout all these developments, the religious establishment remained silent because one of the foundations of this illegitimate union was that the clergy supported the ethnic agenda, while the ethnic agenda, in turn, supported the clergy. This relationship continues to this day.
They sought to spread Pashtun nationalism throughout Afghanistan, and religious figures assisted them in doing so. As a result, an ethnic and tribal form of religion emerged in Afghanistan. For example, Professor Sirat, himself an ethnic Uzbek, supported the fall of Mazar-i-Sharif during the first Taliban regime. Consequently, our mullahs and religious scholars began to present themselves as representatives of their ethnic group rather than as representatives of Islam.
Pashtun nationalism was promoted so relentlessly that today, if you use even a single Persian word, you are either branded an "Iranian" or accused of national betrayal. Persian-speaking communities also participated in this union—some for official positions, some out of fear, and others because of their own cultural backwardness.
However, after Afghanistan's jihad against the Soviet Union, much changed, but the religious and ethnic mindset did not. Pashtunism had become so deeply embedded in their blood and veins that today, if someone merely utters the word daneshgah ("university"), he immediately breaks into a sweat. His wife says to him:
“That man—Farid Younus—is telling the truth. Our language has become a subject of compromise; our culture has become a subject of compromise. You are an educated man—why don't you raise your voice?”
Non-Pashtuns were not allowed to attain the rank of five-star general, while the Ministry of Defense remained entirely under Pashtun control. When Daoud Khan came to power, one of the reasons why Pashtuns continued to support him so strongly was his revival of Pashtunism and his pursuit of the absurd idea of "Pashtunistan."
Some women hold Daoud Khan in high regard because he succeeded in removing the burqa from women. However, it was not he who initiated the women's movement—it was Queen Soraya. Likewise, some Persian-speaking people who continue to defend Daoud Khan were either members of his political camp or held positions of power during his rule.
All of Daoud Khan's projects were originally part of the King's program. However, his persistent pursuit of the Pashtunistan issue complicated the situation to such an extent that the King was forced to dismiss him from office. This became a serious blow to the supporters of Pashtunism in Afghanistan, among whom were also several Persian-speaking figures.
All the country's resources, capital, time, and state policy were devoted to promoting the so-called idea of "Pashtunistan." Not only did it produce no benefit, but during the republican period, following Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's visit to Kabul, the issue was pushed so deeply into oblivion that I call it "a deep sleep."
Today, Pashtunism, ethnic intolerance, and discrimination have become a way of thinking in the country. Religious figures, ethnic nationalists, and even educated people struggle to recognize the truth. For example, I once asked a religious man what the Dari word for "university" was. He remained silent.
The mindset of the majority of Pashtuns is similar to that of American Jews. The moment you begin speaking about justice among ethnic groups and social justice, you are immediately branded a "Setami." Today, when Mr. Ahmad Shah Durrani complains about the loss of popular identity, he forgets that it was his own people who completely erased the identity of other peoples. Now that people have awakened, they are no longer willing to accept the old order.
How can you identify supporters of Pashtunism? Simply see whether a person says or writes "Pohantoon" or "Daneshgah."
Afghanistan will never become a unified nation unless the illegitimate “marriage” between the Pashtun ethnic community and the Sunni madhhab ends in divorce, and unless all the people of the country—all ethnic groups, women and men, followers of every religion, including our Hindu and Sikh brothers, who are our brothers in creation—enjoy equal rights before the law based on the principles of equal citizenship.
