ISIS is also fighting against the Taliban, but it cannot be supported or encouraged.
Author: Rustam Rushangar, analyst, especially for Sangar
We Tajiks have witnessed the presence of two generations or two groups of political and military leaders in power during the twenty-year period of the republic.
The first generation or first category includes people like Fahim, Abdullah, Qanuni, Bismillah Muhammadi, Ustad Atta, etc. The second generation or second group includes people like Masud Andarabi, Weiss Barmak, Tajmuhammad Jahid, Yasin Zia, Zia Siraj, Ahmad Zia Masood, Fazlahmad Manavi, Bahauddin Jilani, Zarar Muqbil, Amrullah Saleh, Adib Fahim, etc.
When we look back today, we are unfortunately faced with the bitter reality that both generations and both groups failed to adequately represent our people and defend their rights, values, and achievements. Both generations and factions have dissolved and digested into the Pashtun macro-narrative.
Apparently, the crime and guilt of both generations or groups mentioned are the same. Or, so to speak, both made a mistake or betrayed, or in any case failed and lost to their opponent. But if you look closely, there is a difference between the first and second generations.
A few differences:
1 - The first ones were not appointed by Karzai and Ghani. Due to their participation in the war against the Taliban, they received the privilege of taking the place of the anti-Taliban movement in the government based on the Bonn agreement.
2 - The first, on the one hand, did not know the political situation of the region and the world at that time, and they were not aware of the complex conspiracies of the Americans and British and their internal partners (Karzai, Ghani, etc.), and on the other hand, did not understand the main plan of Karzai, Ghani and other members of the “collusion team.”
3 - The former did not have sufficient political knowledge and understanding to be able to play in the open political space, nor did they have high political ideals and ideas in the light of which they could engage in politics, recognize obstacles and challenges, and identify rivals and enemies.
However, the second generation differed from the first in all three cases. They were appointed by Karzai and Ghani. These appointments were based on an ethnic point of view. The same plan of Mukhkash. Mukhkash's plan meant the appointment of non-Pashtuns as ministers and deputies would provide a symbolic presence for the ethnic groups. And these appointees should not have created structural disruptions and obstacles to the Pashtun agenda.
The second generation knew everything. They knew what plans the Americans and British had. They knew what Karzai, Ghani, and Khalilzad's plan was. Because before their eyes many conspiracies were carried out against the resistance movement and Tajiks. They considered themselves to be very knowledgeable about the issues.
To sum it up, it would be like this: the first generation made a mistake out of ignorance, and the second generation deliberately became an accomplice in the plan of the conspiracy against the resistance movement and the Tajiks. Of course, Abdullah can be distinguished from the first generation, because Abdullah did not make a mistake, he was a traitor. Some people can be excluded from the second generation. Those who are on the line of resistance today can be included in the list of those who are trying to correct their mistakes.
However, from the second generation onwards, one must be wary of those who are still members of groups and circles seeking to sabotage the resistance. They are likely still working with Western intelligence agencies and may be tasked with undermining the resistance.
Masoud Andarabi seems to fit into this category. He recently spoke about creating a movement that, according to him, works for a bright future for Afghanistan. He has called all ethnic groups Afghans, and in fact he is thinking in a Pashtun macro-narrative, despite serious opposition from non-Pashtuns. He wants to perform a national act of national leader like those who made a deal with the Pashtun rulers during the Republican period.
Undoubtedly, any anti-Taliban movement can be encouraged and supported, but when a movement is formed that is financed by Taliban supporters from outside and is led by a famous and harmless person, only because of his Tajik passport, such a movement for resistance is nothing more than snake in the sleeve.
In my opinion, Massoud Andrabi has three major and unforgivable weaknesses or mistakes that deprive him of the competence to declare the need to fight the Taliban and the effectiveness of his step.
1 - Masoud Andarabi accepted Ghani's proposal to lead the Ministry of Interior at a time when Ghani's team was planning to transfer power to the Taliban. In such a situation, accepting Ghani’s proposal is considered as cooperation with him. The Tajik collaborator entered the service of Ghani to ensure the process of transferring power to the ignorant Pashtun forces. This is betrayal. He did nothing to at least slow down this process. Until the last days of the republic, he was an accomplice of the Ghani team in the process of transfer of power and was left aside in the last days so as not to participate in the ignominious fall of the republic. This in itself raises many questions.
It was as if he was asking the plotters to remove him so that in the future he could gain a foothold in the anti-Taliban faction.
2 - Masoud Andarabi appeared very incompetent in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, worked as an ordinary agent of the Security Council under the command of Hamdullah Muhib, and failed to protect the institutional independence of the police and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Mohib sent him a list of appointments of police chiefs, and he appointed without protest. He knew that this would lead to the collapse of the police, but the love of money and the chair did not allow him to protest. Such a person does not have the courage to stand and fight.
3- Masoud Andarabi, who played an important role in ensuring national security, was aware of the entire conspiracy of Karzai and Ghani against the Tajiks and the resistance, and also knew that his showcase presence in the Ministry of Internal Affairs would be used against the Tajiks and the resistance, but because of his personal interests, he agreed to cooperate.
Therefore, I appeal to a number of friends who, based on anti-Taliban thoughts and beliefs, support anyone who raises a voice against the Taliban - be careful. ISIS is also fighting against the Taliban, but we cannot support and encourage it.
Our fight against the Taliban is purposeful, and at the center of that purposefulness is our identity. Those who are not committed to the values of our identity and simply sell them to the Afghans have no value or importance to the purpose of the resistance movement.
